When invited to contribute, we felt both honored and challenged to explore a subject that was deeply personal, yet analytically meaningful. Drawing on our work with refugee students in Pakistan, we turned to a question that repeatedly surfaced but remained underexplored: who gets to leave, and why?
Over the past six months, through our work with the Zaman Foundation on the Resilience Support Program (TRSP), supported by Pledges Inc., we have worked with 100 Palestinian students studying in Pakistan. While the program has been successful in supporting students financially and socially, one statistic stood out starkly: only 5 of these students are women. Nationally, female Palestinian students constitute less than 10% of this cohort.
On deeper reflection, we agreed that this disparity is not incidental. Rather, it signifies deeper structural, cultural, and economic constraints that shape mobility for women in particular.
Existing research on migration highlights that mobility is not gender-neutral. In conflict and displacement settings, migration is often “masculinized,” with men positioned as economic actors and risk-bearers, while women’s movement is constrained by safety concerns and social expectations1.
Studies on refugee education in Pakistan further demonstrate that barriers are multi-layered, and include legal, economic, cultural, and institutional factors. These barriers disproportionately affect women who face additional restrictions on mobility, financial independence, and access to opportunities2.
Against this backdrop, the low participation of Palestinian women in international education is not surprising; yet the lived experiences underpinning it remain under examined.
As women’s rights practitioners, we repeatedly return to this disparity not as an anomaly, but as a pattern embedded within broader gendered systems. Existing literature highlights3 the 4“double burden”5 of migration borne by women and girls, where pre-existing gender discrimination is intensified by displacement through increased exposure to hardship, exploitation and violence, and an overall sense of fear and uncertainty.
On deeper reflection, we agreed that this disparity is not incidental. Rather, it signifies deeper structural, cultural, and economic constraints that shape mobility for women in particular.
The disproportionately low presence of Palestinian women students in Pakistan compelled us to move beyond statistics. We collected testimonies from Palestinian students currently studying in Pakistan, revealing that migration, particularly for women, is rarely an individual decision. Instead, it emerges through negotiations shaped by family approval, cultural expectations, and perceptions of safety. Mobility for women is therefore conditional—not only on opportunity, but on social acceptability.
The testimonies repeatedly demonstrated how decisions around studying abroad are filtered through concerns around cultural familiarity, protection, and family trust, and reinforced our hypothesis that mobility and migration are heavily gendered, as informed also by refugee movements and migration studies, particularly in the conflict regions of Middle East & the Arab World.
As one student shared, “In our culture, it is often difficult for families to feel comfortable sending their daughters far away… I chose Pakistan because it is culturally similar… my family felt more comfortable. ”
Indeed, families are more willing to support women’s mobility when destination countries are perceived as culturally or religiously proximate.
Issues and concerns of safety are often framed as a concern but often serving as a means of control. Hence, safety operates as a gatekeeping mechanism, framed as protection, reinforcing existing restrictions on women’s independence and mobility.
“Security and personal safety are among the most important factors… what might be difficult for a young man becomes even more complex for a young woman.”
Women and girls have limited autonomy, in the decision-making process, particularly around moving abroad. Migration, like other decisions, is a negotiated one:
“... having a companion like a brother or uncle... or even becoming engaged… makes the process much easier…6
There is never one reason: “there are religious reasons, and sometimes cultural ones... the idea of a girl traveling alone is difficult to accept... but her traveling with a brother is reasonable and acceptable...”7
Mobility, in this sense, is rarely self-determined. It is mediated through male accompaniment, family approval, and socially acceptable arrangements. Women must negotiate not only logistics, but legitimacy.
Beyond cultural norms, structural constraints further restrict women’s mobility. Research shows that refugee students face economic hardship, limited access to scholarships, and institutional barriers encompassing documentation and administrative policies.8 These barriers often include prolonged equivalency certification processes, documentation requirements such as passports, visas, and Proof of Registration (POR) cards, as well as policies requiring students or family members to travel for document verification. Such procedures disproportionately impact women and girls, who frequently face mobility restrictions, financial dependency, and familyimposed limitations on travelling independently. In contexts like Gaza, where mobility is already severely restricted, these gendered barriers become amplified.
The testimonies highlight this intersection of gender, economic inequality and structural barriers which hinder women and girls to migrate independently. Hurdles steeped in not only cultural and social norms but also “…financial dependency, and the additional responsibilities placed on women, especially in difficult situations such as conflict and displacement.9
Students also pointed toward potential solutions emphasizing safety, financial support, and awareness. However, their responses suggest that access alone is not enough. The literature reinforces this. Addressing educational inequalities among refugee populations requires multi-level interventions, including financial support, gendersensitive institutional policies, and sustained community engagement. For women from conflictaffected communities, this engagement must extend beyond universities and into families and refugee support networks. Community engagement must also move beyond abstract policy language and translate into intentional spaces for connection for women, trust-building, and collective support. For students displaced by conflict, communityfostering initiatives such as peer-support circles, cultural exchange events, mentorship programs, and youth-led gatherings can help reduce isolation and strengthen a sense of belonging within host societies. By fostering visible, supportive communities, institutions can help families feel more confident about women pursuing education abroad while simultaneously creating environments where refugee students are socially, emotionally, and culturally supported. Such interventions are essential to shifting perceptions around safety, independence, and the legitimacy of women studying abroad.10
Beyond cultural norms, structural constraints further restrict women’s mobility. Research shows that refugee students face economic hardship, limited access to scholarships, and institutional barriers encompassing documentation and administrative policies.
Simply put, “There should be more scholarships and financial support for women, greater awareness about educational opportunities, improved safety and support systems, and stronger social acceptance of women studying and living independently abroad."11
These lived realities show us that the gender gap in student migration is not simply about who has access to opportunities. It is about who is allowed, supported, and enabled to pursue them. Increasing female participation in international education requires moving beyond scholarships and programmatic support. It demands a systemic approach—one that engages families, reshapes cultural narratives, strengthens safety infrastructure, and expands economic agency for women. Without addressing these intersecting barriers, mobility will remain unevenly distributed: accessible in principle, yet unattainable in practice.
Sanam Kubra Siddiqui is a development sector professional with over 20 years of experience who is passionate about education, child rights, and gender rights advocacy and programming.
Noor Imran is a feminist development professional with over 10 years of experience in advocacy, program management, and youth and women’s rights across South Asia.
- https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/five-explanations-to-why-the-m…
parent%20would%20do%20that. - Iqbal, K., Liang, H., & Alam, S. (2025). Migration, marginality and education: A narrative literature review on exploring
educational challenges for Afghan migrants in host society of Pakistan. Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social
Sciences, 13(1), 218–234. https://journals.internationalrasd.org/index.php/pjhss - https://www.fmreview.org/community-protection/smith/
- https://www.coe.int/en/web/genderequality/migrant-and-refugee-women-and-girls
- https://www.icmc.net/2025/11/26/gender-and-migration-the-double-burden-of-female-refugees/
- Male Student (1st Year) at Sargodha Medical College
- Male Student (1st Year) at Sargodha Medical College
- Baloch, K. M. A., & Hafiz, A. (2023). Enhancing access to higher education for refugee girls. International Journal of
Refugee, Minority and Gender Studies, 1(1), Article 5. https://journal.icrms.org.pk/index.php/IJRMGS/article/view/5 - Female Student at University of Lahore
- Iqbal, K., Liang, H., & Alam, S. (2025). Migration, marginality and education: A narrative literature review on exploring
educational challenges for Afghan migrants in host society of Pakistan. Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social
Sciences, 13(1), 218–234. https://journals.internationalrasd.org/index.php/pjhss - Female Student at University of Lahore